Defining fascism in the 21st century

  Defining Fascism is as contentious as the subject of study itself. Often definitions consider fascism only as a state form rather than as a type of social movement (Griffin, 2008). Fascist movements or state Fascism are considered in a narrow or broad way depending on the political point of view of author in relation to the classical fascism of Nazi Germany or Fascist Italy (Griffin,2008). Post World War II fascist movements have not often been parties of state power.Today’s fascists indeed might not be oriented toward that goal in our current period of globalization and non-state actors. A definition of fascism therefore depends also on historical periodization, making distinctions and marking continuities with the classical period. A contemporary clerical regime or a military dictatorship might exhibit a family resemblance to Fascist Italy or Nazi Germany, but differ substantially from those state forms. A definition of Fascism must take into account those movements own self-descriptions in order to be a useful analytical tool (Griffin, 2008).


  Two definitions are most useful, the definition adopted by the Comintern when confronting fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, and the “new consensus” ideological definition that has emerged from fascist studies (Griffin, 2008). The former is useful in clarifying the historical fascism as a state form while the latter incorporates fascist self definitions to identify contemporary post war movements.

  The Cominterm definition as outlined by Togliatti in his “Lectures on Fascism” defines fascism as "the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic, most imperialist elements of finance capital" in alliance with a petit-bourgeois mass movement (1976). Togliatti notes that within imperialism there is a tendency to reaction, particularly when faced with a systemic crisis requiring extreme labor discipline to restore profitability (Togliatti 1976). Given this uncertainty of outcome one way or another, the reactionary block of capital requires a mass base and movement to advance its most ambitious agendas. For Togliatti the key point is that contradictions in the class composition of fascist dictatorship are resolved through ideology- racist, nationalist, and expansionist (Togliatti 1976). Fascist ideology is the glue that binds the mass base with finance capital (Togliatti 1976) despite contradictions between the interests of a mass movement with a subaltern base and an organizational core found in the “power block” (Poulantzas 1977).

  The ideological or “new consensus” definition finds that fascism is “a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism…a revolutionary and populist thrust towards national regeneration in a new order” (Griffin 89:2008). Fascism has transformed itself into a polycentric, utopian movement assuming a rhizomic form similar to other transformative social movements (Griffin 200:2008).

  The new consensus definition makes it possible to distinguish between fascist and non-fascist social movements, but does not address the issue of class composition or violence. Poulantzas defines class as aggregate groupings of agents located within a production process, and only in relation to contradiction or the class struggle. It includes the ideological and the political, a complex ensemble of social practices (Poulantzas, 1974).

  It is impossible to know with any certainty the class composition of contemporary neo-fascist groups, the composition of the classical fascist party formations is well documented. Kater claims that the Nazi party was indeed a party of the lower middle classes. Citing Wolfgang Sauer, Kater found that the lower middle classes were one of the major components of Nazi Party membership (Kater 1983: 236). One of Kater`s findings was the degree of elite over representation in the NSDAP from 1919-1945. According to his analysis, workers remained under represented in the party for its duration (Kater 1983: 238) and that class structures of 1918 continued after 1933 and on after 1945 (Kater 1983:239).

  Neo-fascists are but one variety of petit bourgeois social movements which generally have a tendency toward terroristic methods to achieve their aims (Lenin). The point is that fascist ideology is the glue that binds the mass base with finance capital (Togliatti 1976) despite contradictions between the interests of a mass movement with a subaltern base and an organizational core found in the “power block” (Poulantzas 1977). Fascism is an option when hegemony fails (Gramsci 1971).

references:
Kater, Michael H. (1983) “The Nazi Party: A Social Profile of Members and Leaders 1919-1945” Cambridge Mass: Harvard University Press

Gramsci, Antonio (1971) “Selections from the Prison Notebooks” London, New York: International Publishers.

Griffin, Roger (2008) “Ä Fascist Century” New York: Palgrave

Togliatti, Palermo. (1976) “Lectures on Fascism” New York: International Publishers

Poulantzas, Nicos (1977)”Fascism and Dictatorship” London: New Left Books